A Closer Look at the GIPSA Final Rules

Today’s Legislative Preview addresses USDA’s Grain Inspection Packers and Stockyards Administration (GIPSA) issuance of final rules covering four of the five topics the agency was charged to address by the 2008 Farm Bill.   One of those topics – the conditions under which a poultry contractor is provided with reasonable notice of the suspension of delivery of birds – is clearly just a poultry issue.  The other three, however, could easily impact hog production contractors and growers, as well as hog producers and packers engaged in marketing contracts.   

 

It should be noted that hardly any of the GIPSA final rules actually state what you can and cannot do.  They merely list the criteria that the Secretary of Agriculture can consider in deciding whether a practice is a violation of the Packers and Stockyards Act (PSA) of 1920, but there is no guidance regarding the “acceptable” manner of addressing the criteria. 

 

Further, the final rule does not specify exactly which part of the PSA the various actions would violate.  We believe they would virtually all be considered violations of PSA’s Section 202 – prohibition of unfair practices.   But it doesn’t really say that anywhere that we can find.  

 

The Final Rule, which can be found at http://www.gipsa.usda.gov/fedreg.html by clicking on “Implementation of Regulations Required Under Title XI of the . . .,”  specified that the criteria regarding the fairness of a required additional capital investment during the life of a contract would apply to any requirement of $12,500 or more per building. The proposed rule said $25,000, but did not have the “per building” caveat.   That level of investment still appears pretty low, even on a per building basis.  The definition, though, does contain an explicit exception for costs of maintenance and repair, apparently limiting the criteria to true improvements and allowing contractors to insist that buildings be kept in good condition.

 

Given that these fights over additional capital investments have been mainly a poultry issue, I don’t foresee many problems for swine contractors or growers.  The list of criteria strikes me as being reasonable and covering subjects that swine contractors and growers have historically been able to work out.

 

The section on providing a reasonable time for a grower or producer to remedy a breach of contract is a vast improvement over the proposed rule, but it is not without its flaws.  It specifically says that the criteria do not apply in a situation where food safety or animal welfare is at risk.  The final rule did not, however, recognize an environmental emergency as an exception to the criteria, thus it did not address a point that was raised repeatedly by pork producers.   The criteria include whether a written notice had been given, plus some specific items that the notice must contain, including what happened, when it happened, how the breach can be remedied and a reasonable time period for remedy.  None of those items seem particularly burdensome, especially with the implied ability to move quickly to protect animals and food safety.

 

Finally, the section regarding clauses that require arbitration to settle contract disputes is pretty much old hat to swine contractors, since GIPSA has been enforcing the essence of the proposed rule for nearly three years.  

 

The arbitration section requires contracts to provide growers/producers a right to decline required arbitration in “bold and conspicuous print” on the signature page. One important difference between the final and proposed rule is that the lack of a statement regarding the right to decline required arbitration no longer voids the entire contract.  The default for no statement is now no required arbitration. 

 

In addition, the arbitration section says the secretary can consider the following:

·      Whether the contract discloses (again in bold, conspicuous print)  all arbitration costs to be paid by the grower and contractor and any limitations on legal rights and remedies;

·      Whether the costs and time requirements of the arbitration process are reasonable;

·      Whether the grower or producer can get access to information held by the contractor or packer; and

·      Whether a written opinion is required to be provided to the parties.

 

What does all of this mean?  Primarily, it means that you have a few more things to worry about if you use production or marketing contracts in your business. 

 

If you are a contractor or packer, you need to make sure you have a reasonable response to all of the criteria listed in the GIPSA final rule.  If you are a grower or producer selling through a marketing contract, the criteria provide you some recourse for perhaps making a case under the PSA if, at some point, you feel you have been wronged by the other party to your contract.

 

Perhaps the most important items are those that are not listed in the final rules, such as all of the proposed rules regarding conditions that constitute factors that might be considered in deciding if a practice or action is unfair or unjustly discriminatory.  That was the fifth item that the farm bill charged GIPSA with; all of the regulations on the topic have been put on hold.  Furthermore, the agricultural appropriations bill passed in November prohibits USDA from spending any money on finalizing those rules.  It appears they are in limbo at the moment, but their supporters are still in power.  Everyone will be watching carefully to see if what is now presumed dead remains so.



Click to view graphs.

Steve R. Meyer, Ph.D.
Paragon Economics, Inc.
e-mail: steve@paragoneconomics.com

Discuss this Article 2

Anonymous (not verified)
on Dec 13, 2011

The Packers and Stockyards Act prohibits meat packers from certain non competitive practices. This, of course does affect over all competition because as meat packers are able to cheat their suppliers, they gain value with which they can compete or pocket as monopoly profits. In a monopoly market (take electricity for example), we have laws that prevent monopolies from price discriminating for the same product. Your neighbor pays the same as you pay for electricity. In the livestock markets it should be the same with one caveat: quality (that is justified by meat packer selling side) can affect the value of the price.

Meat packers have been cheating family farmers with complex formulas of pay that do not count all the costs to the company, thus they have been able to capture all of what is called the producer surplus, with which to corner the market or extract monopoly profits. The Packers and Stockyards Act, despite federal judge rulings outside the plain language and Supreme Court precedence, have sought to change this.

There is no "harm to competition" clause in the Packers and Stockyards Act, and the plain language of the law with the words "or" instead of "and" make the federal judges who have ruled such into excuse makers for meat packers who are paying off politicians and spreading misinformation about the GIPSA rules.

Any time the integrators break Section 202 a) or b), they gain some kind of advantage they can compete with in the game of competition. In essence, this "harm to competition" allows meat packers who collude with other meat packers to have an absolute defense, which is totally against the other parts of Section 202 of the Packers and Stockyards Act.

These federal judges are and their meat packer supporters are colluding to allow massive economic frauds against producers. They have done the same in other parts of our economy.

In fact, we have the best economy money can buy. It can be found in the actions of these men and women who are undermining our structural economic laws for their self interest.

The new rules can be summed up as follows:

These rules are the equivalent to telling Bernie Madoff that all his past frauds
are forgiven and he has a $50,0000 limit per person fraud in the future (with a
bunch of loopholes to avoid that limit).

This was a huge give away from the start.

This is the problem I have with this administration. They start with a
compromised number and then whittle away principles right and left. They are,
in essence, only selling out at a slower rate than their political competitors
but still selling out parts of the economy to large campaign contributors. This
isn't competent government-- it is just slowing the rate of wealth transfer to
corporations raping the economy.

Don't get me wrong--- these rules are a LOT better than nothing, which is what
we had for the longest time. They are still hugely compromised positions and
everyone should recognize this. I am not so easily sold in a political sales
pitch when I am being screwed.

IIn addition, the frauds that have already occurred in the industry have
seemingly been wiped clean with a get out of jail fraud card and allow these
companies the ability to whittle down the enforcement of these rules as they
stand. We will still have to rely on the political will of the Sec. of
Agriculture for relief. The tools he has are very weak when it comes to
enforcement. The poultry industry was under a licensing agreement type system
before it was deregulated. This would be similar to a stockbroker having a
license to do business in stocks. They can yank a stock broker's license out
from under him if he does not follow the rules. The Sec. of Agriculture doesn't
have that power and it still must be reviewed by judicial review which can be
and has been rigged.

We asked for juice and it seems we are getting a drink with 10% juice.

We all have to understand that the watering down of these rules came directly
from Congress who the meat packers got to put a rider in the appropriations
spending. This was nothing less than Congress selling out family farmers and
making the administration eat the rules they had originally proposed.

We have the best Congress that money can buy. They can do nothing, it seems,
but make policy for the 1%--- and take political payoffs to do it.

Tom

Tom

Anonymous (not verified)
on Dec 13, 2011

The Packers and Stockyards Act prohibits meat packers from certain non competitive practices. This, of course does affect over all competition because as meat packers are able to cheat their suppliers, they gain value with which they can compete or pocket as monopoly profits. In a monopoly market (take electricity for example), we have laws that prevent monopolies from price discriminating for the same product. Your neighbor pays the same as you pay for electricity. In the livestock markets it should be the same with one caveat: quality (that is justified by meat packer selling side) can affect the value of the price.

Meat packers have been cheating family farmers with complex formulas of pay that do not count all the costs to the company, thus they have been able to capture all of what is called the producer surplus, with which to corner the market or extract monopoly profits. The Packers and Stockyards Act, despite federal judge rulings outside the plain language and Supreme Court precedence, have sought to change this.

There is no "harm to competition" clause in the Packers and Stockyards Act, and the plain language of the law with the words "or" instead of "and" make the federal judges who have ruled such into excuse makers for meat packers who are paying off politicians and spreading misinformation about the GIPSA rules.

Any time the integrators break Section 202 a) or b), they gain some kind of advantage they can compete with in the game of competition. In essence, this "harm to competition" allows meat packers who collude with other meat packers to have an absolute defense, which is totally against the other parts of Section 202 of the Packers and Stockyards Act.

These federal judges are and their meat packer supporters are colluding to allow massive economic frauds against producers. They have done the same in other parts of our economy.

In fact, we have the best economy money can buy. It can be found in the actions of these men and women who are undermining our structural economic laws for their self interest.

The new rules can be summed up as follows:

These rules are the equivalent to telling Bernie Madoff that all his past frauds
are forgiven and he has a $50,0000 limit per person fraud in the future (with a
bunch of loopholes to avoid that limit).

This was a huge give away from the start.

This is the problem I have with this administration. They start with a
compromised number and then whittle away principles right and left. They are,
in essence, only selling out at a slower rate than their political competitors
but still selling out parts of the economy to large campaign contributors. This
isn't competent government-- it is just slowing the rate of wealth transfer to
corporations raping the economy.

Don't get me wrong--- these rules are a LOT better than nothing, which is what
we had for the longest time. They are still hugely compromised positions and
everyone should recognize this. I am not so easily sold in a political sales
pitch when I am being screwed.

IIn addition, the frauds that have already occurred in the industry have
seemingly been wiped clean with a get out of jail fraud card and allow these
companies the ability to whittle down the enforcement of these rules as they
stand. We will still have to rely on the political will of the Sec. of
Agriculture for relief. The tools he has are very weak when it comes to
enforcement. The poultry industry was under a licensing agreement type system
before it was deregulated. This would be similar to a stockbroker having a
license to do business in stocks. They can yank a stock broker's license out
from under him if he does not follow the rules. The Sec. of Agriculture doesn't
have that power and it still must be reviewed by judicial review which can be
and has been rigged.

We asked for juice and it seems we are getting a drink with 10% juice.

We all have to understand that the watering down of these rules came directly
from Congress who the meat packers got to put a rider in the appropriations
spending. This was nothing less than Congress selling out family farmers and
making the administration eat the rules they had originally proposed.

We have the best Congress that money can buy. They can do nothing, it seems,
but make policy for the 1%--- and take political payoffs to do it.

Tom

Tom

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